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Isi-Uzo LGA: The Most Politically Oppressed People In The History Of Enugu State

Published

6 years ago

September 29, 2020

By Jeff Ejiofor

One of the foremost Greek philosophers, Plato said that there may be times we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.

The above quote by the great Plato captures the plight of Isi-Uzo people of Enugu State who obviously have been marginalized in the scheme of things since the inception of the current political dispensation but have remained calm in the face of such outright injustice. I am of the imperative opinion that the time for self-appraisal tailored towards achieving political liberation and justice has come.

Isi-Uzo is one of the six local governments that constitute the present Enugu East Senatorial Zone of Enugu State. Though Isi-Uzo was formerly under Nsukka Zone in the old political order, the creation of Ebonyi State in 1996 made it politically exigent for it to be included in what is known today as Enugu East Zone for senatorial balancing in the state.

For a better understanding, it will be recalled that before the creation of Ebonyi State, Enugu had Nsukka, Enugu, and Abakiliki zones in its senatorial structure. In that arrangement, Isi-Uzo was under Nsukka Zone.

However, when Abakiliki left in 1996, Isi-Uzo was carved out from Nsukka to form Enugu East Senatorial Zone with Nkanu and Nike people at the behest of the elders of Nkanu land owing to their cultural/historical affiliation which predates the advent of colonial government. As a result, the other remaining part of the old Enugu zone formed what is today known as Enugu West Senatorial Zone. Currently, Enugu stands on a political tripod, Enugu East, Enugu West, and Enugu North.

Unfortunately, this new order signaled the beginning of the current ordeal of Isi-Uzo political marginalization.

Considering a gentleman agreement reached by the stakeholders of Enugu State on sharing of political offices at various levels, the three new senatorial structure was adopted as the formula for positions involving the state as a whole.

Federal constituencies in each senatorial zone became the basis within which offices are zoned, while LGAs rotate offices due for them at the federal constituency level. This sharing formular continues up to the community and ward levels to gaurantee equity, justice and fairplay in the system.

Having provided the background information on the genesis of the current political structure of Enugu State vis a vis sharing of political offices as agreed upon by the elders of the state in principle, I would narrow my contributions in this article to Enugu East Zone as it affects the Isi-Uzo question.

From the above explanations, Isi-Uzo people no doubt are bonafide members of Enugu East Zone, and therefore are qualified to aspire to any position zoned to the senatorial district. Whatever political aspirations by Isi-Uzo people must be within the confines of Enugu East senatorial zonal structure which is their constitutionally recognized senatorial zone.

Unfortunately, however, these rights of the Isi-Uzo people have been flagrantly trampled upon over the years, right from the inception of the current political dispensation in 1999. All offices zoned to Enugu East Senatorial District had eluded them in an orchestrated manner designed to perpetually keep and relegate them to the background for coming from a different political structure in the past. Even though it is on record that the cultural/historical ties between the Nkanu/Nike people and Isi-Uzo predates the advent of colonialism, these later days political naysayers within the senatorial zone, out of mere mischief, had always thrown up the inclusion of Isi-Uzo in old Nsukka zone for administrative convenience as an excuse to deny them political opportunities currently.

The promoters of these oppressive tendencies have forgotten the genesis of Isi-Uzo joining the Enugu East zone which was at the behest of Nkanu elders who said they were their brothers in the diaspora.

Nonetheless, whichever way anybody wants to look at it, Isi-Uzo currently belongs to Enugu East Senatorial Zone and must be politically accommodated in all facets of political engagement. The divisive narratives usually propped up against them by some political merchandisers do not have any place in the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria. Isi-Uzo people are not lesser political beings in their fatherland, Enugu State, and must have equal opportunity in the scheme of things within their constitutionally recognized zone and the state at large for peace and justice to prevail.

Turning the LGA into a political orphan that cannot represent its zone in any capacity of governance is repugnant to natural justice, equity, and good conscience.

The current situation where Isi-Uzo is the only local government in Enugu East Zone that has not represented the zone in any government capacity is quite unfortunate. It is a statement of fact that all other local government areas in the zone have represented the senatorial zone in different capacities. Nkanu West has produced governor, senator, and minister, Nkanu East has been deputy governor for 8 years and even produced a minister. Enugu South had senators and even a governor in the past, while Enugu North LGA, with a predominantly non-native population, has produced a minister and a governor as well. Enugu East on its part produced a senator for 8 yrs, speaker of the house of assembly, chief judge of Enugu State, and ESUT VC for 5 yrs respectively. It is only Isi-Uzo LGA that has been left in the political wilderness to date.

The height of this oppression came into fore in the case of Professor Denchrist Onah, an indigene of Isi-Uzo who sought to be VC of ESUT in 2010 when it was zoned to Enugu North Senatorial District, but was told to wait for the turn of Enugu East where he comes from.

Ironically, in 2015 when it was the turn of Enugu East Senatorial Zone to produce the VC, Prof. Denchrist Onah re-applied and emerged the best of all the candidates that went for the interview, and his name was announced as ESUT VC designate. Surprisingly, overnight, the same forces bent on denying ndi Isi-Uzo their rights, prevailed on Mr. Sullivan Chime to replace him on grounds that he is of Nsukka extraction. It was a disappointing outing by Sullivan Chime which was condemned by all well-meaning citizens of Enugu State.

What an irony! The person previously denied the opportunity to contest because he is from Enugu East Zone was replaced after winning on account of his Isi-Uzo origin. What can be more wicked and divisive than that? Are Isi-Uzo people not equal stakeholders in their fatherland again? Are they not Igbos of Enugu State extraction?

As I write this, no Isi-Uzo man has to date, been allowed to occupy any tangible position under the current arrangement in Enugu State. No Isi-Uzo man has been found worthy enough to occupy the position of governor, senator, or any office of equal status zoned to Enugu East, in a state collectively owned by all of us. Even the party chairman given to Isi-Uzo was fiercely contested by those who felt their sense of entitlement should not be challenged.

As a matter of fact, no article can contain the list of complaints arising from the marginalization Isi-Uzo people are currently going through in Enugu East Senatorial Zone. They are too numerous to mention, hence, I would like to pause here, and appeal to all men of goodwill in Enugu State to come to their rescue and look into the matter with a view to addressing it once and for all.

Let us remember that injustice to one is an injustice to all. We cannot be talking of equity, justice, and Fairplay while we’re folding our hands and watching a particular section of our society go through the worst marginalization in the history of Nigerian politics. What the people of Isi-Uzo are being subjected to is simply akin to political annihilation. A situation where the people are not allowed to aspire to any political position outside the confines of their local government is the height of injustice, marginalization, and political wickedness.

In conclusion, this political exclusion should not be allowed to continue if the Enugu people are interested in peace and stability. It has to be addressed before it gets out of hand and attracts severe reactions from other sections of the Igbo society. Making Isi-Uzo look like a political bat that belongs to nowhere is unacceptable. Isi-Uzo is a lawful part of an existing political structure under the Enugu East Senatorial Zone.

The narrative of core Nkanu, periphery Nkanu, or whatever they concert to whip unnecessary sentiment against Isi-Uzo is baseless and has no place in Nigeria’s political structure. 2023 should be a golden opportunity for men of good conscience in the senatorial district and Enugu State in general to right the wrong and give all sections of the society a political sense of belonging. According to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, a kingdom founded on injustice never lasts. Elders of Enugu State should preserve the current chapter of equity embedded in the zoning of political offices for a peaceful transition of power in the state and address the plight of Isi-Uzo people now.

A stitch in time saves nine.

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Business

Turning Africa’s Raw Materials Into Wealth: The ARMS 2026 Industrial Agenda

Published

2 days ago

September 29, 2026

The Gleamer

By Joel Ajayi

For decades, Africa’s vast natural resources have powered industries and economies far beyond the continent, while many African countries have remained largely exporters of unprocessed commodities and importers of finished products.

That familiar pattern is now coming under renewed scrutiny as policymakers, researchers, investors and industrialists seek to change the direction of Africa’s resource economy.

At the centre of that conversation is the second edition of the Africa Raw Materials Summit (ARMS 2026), scheduled for October 19 and 20 at the Abuja Continental Hotel, Abuja, under the theme: “From African Feedstock to African Factories.”

Organised by the Raw Materials Research and Development Council (RMRDC), the summit is being positioned as more than another gathering of policymakers and industry stakeholders. It is intended to provide a platform for confronting the structural challenges that have kept African raw materials largely disconnected from local manufacturing.

Africa has for years operated largely within a “pit-to-port” economic model, exporting raw materials while importing expensive finished products.

Speaking at a press conference ahead of the summit on Tuesday in Abuja, the Director-General and Chief Executive Officer of RMRDC, Prof. Nnanyelugo Martin Ike-Muonso, said the event would bring together policymakers, investors, researchers, technology providers and industrialists to develop practical strategies for transforming Africa’s abundant natural resources into industrial wealth.

The challenge, therefore, is not simply the abundance of resources, but the continent’s ability to transform those resources into industrial value, employment, technology and wealth within Africa.

Nigeria alone, according to the RMRDC, has more than $582.4 billion in documented non-renewable natural resources, while the wider continent possesses substantial deposits of critical minerals, agricultural raw materials and industrial feedstock.

Yet, the benefits of this resource endowment have often been constrained by inadequate processing capacity, weak infrastructure, limited technology, financing gaps and fragmented regional value chains.

From Dialogue to Industrial Action

ARMS 2026 builds on the maiden edition held in May 2025, which attracted more than 1,000 delegates from across the world.

The inaugural summit also witnessed the unveiling of the Ten-Year Raw Materials Transformation Roadmap (2025–2034) by the Minister of State for Industry, Senator John Owen Enoh.

The roadmap was designed around areas including technological capability, climate-resilient processing and backward integration, establishing a policy framework for greater domestic utilisation of Africa’s raw materials.

The second edition is expected to move the conversation further by bringing policy, capital, technology and industrial stakeholders around practical mechanisms for turning raw materials into locally manufactured products.

One of the major proposals highlighted by the RMRDC is the 30 per cent Mandatory Value Addition Bill, which seeks to establish a statutory minimum level of value addition to Nigerian raw materials before export.

The Council says the proposed framework could support job creation, import substitution, foreign-exchange conservation and increased manufacturing contribution to the economy.

Building the Infrastructure for Value Addition

The industrial transformation envisaged by ARMS 2026 goes beyond legislation.

A major concern is the “missing middle” between where raw materials are produced and where factories are located.

Poor transportation networks, inadequate cold-chain facilities, weak rural roads, limited testing and certification infrastructure and border-related delays can make locally sourced materials more expensive and less competitive.

Consequently, logistics and infrastructure constitute one of the five principal pillars of the summit.

The objective is to develop more reliable corridors connecting farms and mines with processing centres and manufacturing facilities, thereby reducing losses and improving the movement of industrial inputs.

The Digital Dimension

Technology is also becoming an important part of the Council’s strategy.

The RMRDC says it has developed the Nigeria Integrated Information Statistical System for Raw Materials and Products (NISSRAMP), described as a digital repository containing information on feedstock deposits, specifications, production outputs and industrial absorption rates.

The Council has also highlighted its transition towards paperless operations and its certification as a Data Controller/Processor of Major Importance by the Nigeria Data Protection Commission.

Such digital infrastructure could provide investors and manufacturers with better information about the availability and characteristics of raw materials while supporting more informed industrial planning.

Turning Waste Into Industrial Inputs

Another major component of ARMS 2026 is the proposed expansion of the circular economy.

The summit will examine how agricultural by-products, mine tailings, scrap metals and biomass can be recovered and reused as inputs for new production processes rather than being treated simply as waste.

The RMRDC argues that such an approach could lower raw-material costs while supporting more sustainable and climate-resilient manufacturing systems.

For Africa, where industrial expansion must increasingly balance economic development with environmental considerations, waste industrialisation could become an important part of the continent’s manufacturing conversation.

From National Production to African Value Chains

The African Continental Free Trade Area is another important element of the summit’s agenda.

The RMRDC sees AfCFTA as an opportunity to create regional value chains in which raw materials sourced in one African country can be processed and supplied to manufacturers in another.

Under such a model, Africa would move beyond simply exporting commodities to external markets and develop stronger internal networks for supplying chemicals, refined minerals, agricultural inputs and other industrial materials across national borders.

This approach places regional integration at the heart of Africa’s industrialisation strategy.

Bridging Research and Capital

A recurring weakness in many developing economies is the gap between research and commercialisation.

Innovations may emerge from universities, research institutions and laboratories without receiving the financing, equipment or market connections required to become commercially viable.

ARMS 2026 intends to address that gap through technology commercialisation and capital linkages, connecting research outputs with investors, development finance institutions and industrial off-takers.

The RMRDC has also cited partnerships with the Bank of Industry for commercial-scale post-harvest processing and a South-South technology-transfer partnership with the National Innovation Centre par Excellence in Shanghai, China.

A Larger Industrial Conversation

The scale of ARMS 2026 is expected to be significantly larger than the maiden edition.

The organisers project more than 1,800 delegates from all 54 African countries and global industrial partners.

The programme will feature high-level policy dialogues, technical panels, an advanced raw materials and technology exhibition, industrial site visits and the African Raw Materials Industry Awards.

The exhibition, in particular, is expected to showcase locally fabricated processing machinery, advanced domestic materials, green chemicals and engineered commercial inputs.

Beyond the speeches and exhibitions, however, the real significance of ARMS 2026 will ultimately depend on what happens after the summit.

Africa’s challenge has never been a shortage of raw materials. The more difficult question has been how to transform those resources into factories, products, skilled employment, technology and sustainable economic opportunities.

For Nigeria and the rest of the continent, the proposed shift from “pit-to-port” to “feedstock-to-factory” therefore represents a broader debate about the future structure of African economies.

ARMS 2026 seeks to place that debate firmly on the industrial agenda — with value addition, technology, finance, infrastructure, circular production and regional trade at the centre.

If the commitments and partnerships generated by the summit translate into measurable industrial activity, the event could provide another platform for Africa to examine how its enormous resource base can support stronger domestic manufacturing.

The message from the organisers is clear: the continent’s raw materials should not only leave African soil as commodities; they should increasingly become the foundation for African industrial production

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