Opinion

China-Africa Cooperation: Tackling Insecurity Through Development

Lt. Gen. Abdulrahman B. Dambazau (rtd), PhD, CFR, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the People’s Republic of China.

Published

6 hours ago

November 9, 2026

The Gleamer

By Lt. Gen. Abdulrahman B. Dambazau (rtd), PhD, CFR

A farmer who cannot safely reach his land, a child whose school has closed because of violence, and a young graduate unable to find productive employment experience insecurity in different ways.

Their circumstances reveal a common challenge: lasting peace requires protection from violence and the opportunity to live with dignity. This connection should occupy a central place in China–Africa cooperation.

My experience in military leadership, internal security and diplomacy has reinforced my conviction that security operations must form part of a broader national effort. Armed forces and law enforcement agencies have indispensable responsibilities to protect communities, confront violent groups and uphold the law.

The gains they secure become durable when legitimate institutions, functioning services and economic opportunities take root.

Development is therefore a strategic component of security. Where communities can farm, trade, learn and obtain justice, they have stronger foundations for resisting the pressures that sustain violence.

Poverty does not automatically produce terrorism or criminality. Millions endure hardship without turning to violence. Insecurity also arises from political exclusion, contested resources, extremist ideologies, organised crime and institutional weakness. Nevertheless, prolonged deprivation and a lack of credible opportunities can create vulnerabilities that violent actors exploit.

Effective policy must address both those actors and the conditions that enable their influence.
China–Africa cooperation offers a framework for advancing this approach. The Forum on China–Africa Cooperation’s Beijing Action Plan for 2025–2027 brings peace and security into the same programme as industrialisation, agriculture, infrastructure, education, public health and green development. Its significance lies in the opportunity to connect these fields through practical implementation.

China’s development experience provides useful lessons. A joint study by the World Bank and Chinese institutions reported in 2022 that, over the preceding four decades, the number of people in China living below the international extreme-poverty line then in use had fallen by close to 800 million.

The study emphasised economic transformation alongside targeted poverty reduction measures. African countries can examine how agricultural productivity, infrastructure, education and employment expanded opportunity, while adapting relevant lessons to their own circumstances.

Africa’s countries have distinct histories, political systems and development priorities. Cooperation will achieve more when African governments define their needs clearly and negotiate partnerships that strengthen domestic capabilities. African ownership must guide project selection, implementation and assessment.

Agriculture should be an immediate priority. In communities affected by insecurity, restoring farming and rural commerce can support recovery and stability. Cooperation in irrigation, improved seeds, machinery, storage, processing and extension services can raise productivity and strengthen livelihoods. Investment should be accompanied by secure access to land, fair arrangements for managing water and grazing resources, and credible mechanisms for resolving disputes.

A processing facility has greater value when farmers can reach it safely, receive fair payment and access wider markets. Communities emerging from violence also need assistance that enables displaced families to return voluntarily, safely and with dignity, and rebuild sustainable livelihoods. Development planning and security planning must meet at this practical level.

Reliable electricity and productive industry are equally important. Power supply enables workshops, factories, health facilities and digital enterprises to function. Industrial cooperation should create opportunities for African workers, suppliers and entrepreneurs, with clear provisions for skills transfer and the maintenance of equipment and facilities.

Young people need realistic pathways from education to work. Technical training should connect to actual demand in manufacturing, construction, agriculture, logistics and technology. Programmes should be assessed by the capabilities and employment they produce. Partnerships between training institutions and employers can help ensure that qualifications lead to productive work.

Infrastructure must be judged by the economic activity and public services it enables. A railway, road or port can support national integration and trade, but its wider benefits depend on connections to local production and affordable access. Project planning must account for maintenance, environmental protection, community interests and financial sustainability. Financing arrangements should be transparent, with repayment obligations assessed against realistic economic returns and public resources.
Education and health deserve the same strategic attention.

Schools help communities recover continuity and hope after disruption. Accessible healthcare reduces household vulnerability and strengthens confidence in public institutions. Cooperation among universities, research centres, hospitals and technical colleges can build the expertise African countries need to sustain these services.

Women must participate fully in this work. Their livelihoods, access to services and involvement in local decision-making matter to household resilience and community recovery. Programmes designed without their participation risk overlooking essential needs and sources of knowledge.

Development cannot compensate for injustice. Communities require fair policing, accessible courts, accountable administration and protection from abuse. A school or clinic will contribute more to lasting stability where citizens also trust public institutions to treat them fairly. Economic investment and institutional reform should proceed together.

Security cooperation should reinforce these foundations. Professional training, peacekeeping capacity, maritime security, action against illicit arms and stronger responses to organised crime can help protect development gains.

Such cooperation should uphold national law, human rights and accountability. Its ultimate purpose must be the safety of people and the strengthening of legitimate institutions.
For Nigeria, the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership established during President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s September 2024 visit to China provides a framework for pursuing these objectives. It offers an opportunity to connect bilateral cooperation more closely with Nigeria’s priorities for economic transformation and national security.

The next task is disciplined implementation. Every major commitment should have an identified responsible institution, a financing arrangement, a timetable and measurable outcomes. Proposed projects, signed agreements, funds disbursed and completed investments represent different stages of progress. Public reporting should make those distinctions clear.

We should ask practical questions. Has an agricultural project improved farmers’ incomes? Has an industrial investment created sustainable employment and developed local suppliers? Has training transferred skills that institutions can retain? Have communities affected by conflict gained safer access to schools, healthcare and markets?

These questions should guide the assessment of cooperation. They also require African governments to fulfil their own responsibilities: coordinating institutions, protecting public resources, maintaining infrastructure and ensuring that investment benefits communities fairly. Regional cooperation is essential where trade routes, shared resources and security threats cross national borders.

China–Africa cooperation can contribute substantially to peace when development expands opportunity, institutions earn public trust and security agencies protect citizens effectively. Its lasting achievement should be visible in ordinary lives: farmers returning safely to their fields, young people securing worthwhile work and children remaining in school. These are the foundations on which a more secure Africa can be built.

_Abdulrahman B. Dambazau is a retired Lieutenant General, former Chief of Army Staff and former Minister of Interior. He is currently the Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the People’s Republic of China. He writes from Beijing, China._

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Opinion

RE: BLAIR “HAS QUESTIONS TO ANSWER” OVER SUPPORT FOR BRITAIN WHILE ADVISING NIGERIA

Published

3 weeks ago

October 20, 2026

The Gleamer

(A rejoinder to Gordon Rayner’s article of October 18,2026 in the Telegraph, UK
By Kehinde Bamigbetan
After reading this article, particularly the denials from the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change and the Federal Government of Nigeria, one is bound to question the editorial judgment that gives this piece any value.

In short, what did Gordon Rainer set out to do with this publication? Put a shine on Jupiter’s false and thoroughly empty narrative? Set up a former Prime Minister for blackmail and opprobrium? Or revive a dead case before the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes?

Whichever, Rainer presents propositions which swallow their answers. His first argument that Blair might have undermined British national security interests is contradicted by the disclosure that the TBI has no contract to advise the Federal Government of Nigeria.

His second argument, that Jupiter was denied the execution of its licence, is contradicted by the fact that the company is unknown under Nigerian law. Rainer then admits knowing this fact and introduces the company as Jupiter’s partners.

For clarity and the benefit of his readers, these companies—Basin Mining Limited and Range Mining Limited—lost their licences for failing to pay annual service fees. Basin, for instance, owes N1,223,750,000, about £691,368.

The licences were revoked after the companies ignored several notices to fulfil their contractual obligations to the Nigerian Mining Cadastral Office. Penalties for non-payment are increasing daily, and the legal process to recover the funds is underway.

Rather than rescue its partners by paying their fees and penalties or allow the international settlement court to determine its case, Jupiter has mounted an international self-help campaign of calumny and economic sabotage against the government and people of Nigeria, using methods that threaten Nigeria’s security and diplomatic interests.

We believe Rainer is its latest innocent recruit, hoodwinked into propagating a false narrative by appealing to British national security interests when, in fact, Jupiter’s partners are, under Nigerian law, economic and security risks whose continued defiance of Nigeria’s laws endangers centuries of Britain-Nigeria relations.

The question Rainer should ask: if, indeed, Jupiter has a cast-iron case, why is it shedding crocodile tears and shopping for sympathy with false pretences and narratives?

Let’s give the clue: Jupiter’s promoter, Steve Davis, has leeched on Nigeria’s presidents since 1999 by pretending to be an international mining expert, and he has acquired an ego and assets far out of proportion to his financial and technical status.
He is so comfortable living above the law in Nigeria that compliance with regulatory provisions is a taboo, an affront to his bloated ego as a self-deluded “founder of Nigeria’s modern mining sector.”

Davis had a good time living his ego until Dele Alake became Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Development in August 2023 and immediately launched a clean-up of the sector focused on zero-tolerance for non-compliance with the provisions of the Nigeria Minerals and Mining Law 2007, a law that Davis boasts he contributed to making and should set an example by encouraging compliance.

The Minister was shocked that the Nigerian Mining Cadastre had a huge amount of unpaid statutory fees despite the government’s investment in the Electronic Mining Cadastre Plus (EMC+) automation, which digitised the licensing process and upgraded services to the mining sector.

In line with the law, the minister ensured debtors were duly notified, and defaulters duly gazetted before revoking their licences for flouting the regulation on the payment of annual service fees.

In November 2023, the minister revoked at least 1,663 licences, a decision that showed it was no longer business as usual under the new sheriff in town.

To show the government has a human face, it opened a three-month restitution window to address complaints and feedback indicating cases of extenuating circumstances.

But still basking in the euphoria of an ego that has outlived its era, Davis discouraged his partners from taking advantage of these opportunities for remorse. Instead, he threatened to exploit his global networks to frustrate the Federal Government of Nigeria.

He wasn’t joking. He launched a global disinformation campaign from his native Australia to Canada, from the United States to Europe. However, his lies evaporated as soon as the facts were laid bare.

Davis pulled his most ambitious stunt so far during Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s official visit to the United Kingdom in March this year, when he polluted the air with narratives designed to set Nigeria against the West by spreading blatant falsehoods and playing the victim.

But, as he found out to his misery, the whole public relations game was dead on arrival. A comprehensive statement clarifying the issues to the highly intelligent British media sent him into the cold.

All we ask is that journalists refer to the eternal maxim of the journalism profession whenever Davis knocks on their door: if in doubt, leave it out.

When a story like this betrays so many contradictions, the rule is not to encourage its spread. Every responsible journalist has the moral duty to kill it.

Kehinde Bamigbetan is a Journalist and Special Adviser to Dele Alake, the Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Federal Republic of Nigeria

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