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ENUGU 2023: BETWEEN ZONING POLITICS AND ETHNIC REVISIONISM By Prof. Oguejiofo T.Ujam: A Rejoinder
By Ifeanyi Ogenyi, Esq.
Some years back, I read a story of a man called Edward Mordrake, “The Man with two faces”, from an article. The article presented Mordrake as a young, intelligent, and good looking English nobleman. But apart from Murdrake’s normally handsome face, he possessed another terrifying face on the back of his head. The storylines had it that whenever Mordrake cried, the second face would “smile” and “sneer”.
It is quite alarming that a good number of Pen-Pushers are intellectually bankrupt. But I never knew that the intellectual and character bankruptcy have got to a catastrophic level until I read “Prof” Ujam ‘s article titled “Enugu 2023: Between Zoning Politics and Ethnic Revisionism” published on the 4/10/2020 in Sun news online and what came to my mind was the picture of a double-faced man- Mr. Murdrake. Mr.Ujam’s style gives no credit to the Intellectual community and even his sponsors.
Reading through the length and breadth of the article, the writer was just hobbling and nobbling without driving home any valid point nor making any sensible conclusion.
It was a jaundiced analysis, so disjointed such that I considered the writer as a double-tongued man who has a slanted sense of justice and equity. It became clear from the article that some persons are endowed with extra mouth and tongue to talk to those who could not hear them from the front. It is this anomaly against humanity for one person to have two mouths and tongues that have compelled me to respond to Mr. Ujam’s skewed analysis and his slanted sense of justice, particularly his illusive remarks about Isi-Uzo People.
Speaking from both sides of the mouth simply means making two contradictory statements at the same time or one after the other. A person who does such is dishonest and should not be taken seriously. Mr. Ujam’s article was clearly designed to confuse and manipulate the gullible public; and also to insult the sensibility of Isi-Uzo people and Enugu people in general. A mission that was dead on arrival.
According to Ujam, there is recent attempts by some overzealous politician within PDP to redefine the zoning or power rotation arrangement in the State. Whereas, the said Ujam was the one who clearly stated that “It is settled that by 2023, the incumbent, His Excellency Rt.Hon.Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi from Enugu North or Nuskka cultural zone would be rounding off his second tenure in office as governor. And going by the zoning and power rotation which has been observed religiously in the state since 1999, 2023 would be another opportunity for Enugu East or Nkanu cultural to produce the next governor”.
With the above-highlighted assertions by the acclaimed Professor, the question is: who is attempting to redefine the zoning or power rotation arrangement in the state? Is there anything like Nsukka cultural zone or Nkanu cultural zone in the zoning arrangement in Enugu since 1999 which he postulates? How could Mr.Ujam insinuate and still complain that some elements, particularly in PDP are talking about rotation based on clans and cultural groupings when he is the Chief protagonist of Nsukka and Nkanu cultural zone; and Isi-Uzo people of Nsukka cultural zone and Nkanu zone. Is Ujam not the one being clannish and suffering from ethnic/cultural chauvinism? A man who considered only Nkanu East within his so-called” core Nkanu area” and other bother towns as the only people who are entitled to occupy the governorship seat. It is indeed very unfortunate that a person who supposed to know knows not.
In another breath, Mr. Ujam stated that Governor Ugwuanyi’s allies and stakeholders in Enugu East have continued to appreciate the governor for insisting on fairness and equity by ensuring that former governor Chimaroke Nnamani got the second berth in the senate after being rigged out in 2015.
But he somersaulted and cynically insinuated that any attempt to micro-zone to Isi-Uzo within Enugu East Senatorial District the governorship seat which of course is a figment of his own imagination (though right if done that way) as an invitation to the climate of confusion and mutual suspicion that zoning in Enugu State is sought to obliterate. Which confusion is Mr. Ujam talking about? Mr. Ujam should be reminded that there is an extent to which he can exercise his right to freedom of expression. He should not take it as a license to insult and threaten the state.
For Mr.Ujam, the Governor and stakeholders of Enugu East senatorial District’s insistence that Sen.Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani should have a second bite at the cherry in the senate was in the best interest of justice, equity, and fairness but micro-zoning of the governorship seat to Isi-Uzo in Enugu East Senatorial District by 2023 to produce the next governor is an invitation to anarchy. What an infertile proposition? Speaking from both sides of the mouth is a character flaw and those that do that lack the virtue of rationality as it is morally and also legally untenable for a man to approbate and reprobate.
Mr.Ujam’s position clearly portrayed him as a man devoid of any sense of justice. If zoning was put in place to ensure justice, equity, and fairness as admitted by Mr. Ujam, how could micro-zoning the governorship seat coming to Enugu East Senatorial District to Isi-Uzo, the most unfairly treated local government council in the zone since 1999 till date in power-sharing be seen by any person with an iota of sense of justice as a bad idea?
It is not in dispute as it is true that all the five local government council in Enugu East Senatorial District namely: Nkanu East, Nkanu West, Enugu East, Enugu South, and Enugu North L.G.As have occupied one or more positions meant for the zone and represented the zone in various elective positions and capacities at one time or the other. Enugu South L.G.A represented the zone in the Senate between 1999-2007, and the past, someone from the L.G.A served as a governor.
Nkanu East on its part has served as deputy governor from 2007-2015 and at the same time, Prof. Barth Nnaji served as a federal minister under President Jonathan. Enugu North which comprises some parts of Ngwo has produced a federal Minister in the person of Chief Dubem Onyia and also produce a governor in the past. Enugu East L.G.A has equally represented the zone in the seat for 8 solid years and produced VC of ESUT, While, Nkanu West produced governor in 1999-2007, Senator in 2015 and currently the serving Senator. Isi-Uzo people have not occupied any of such positions mentioned above.
The question begging for an answer: Is Isi-Uzo not part of the Enugu East Senatorial District? How did Mr.Ujam arrive at his Isi-Uzo people of Nsukka cultural zone and Nkanu zone? Isi –Uzo is an integral part of the Enugu East Senatorial District and it should be given a fair share in the power-sharing in the zone. They should not be schemed out of the power equation as suggested by Mr.Ujam
Justice is not blind. Equity delights to do justice and not by halves. Is Isi-Uzo not part of the Enugu East Senatorial District?
I was deeply worried by the illusive remarks made about Isi-Uzo by Mr.Ujam, on the surface, it looks harmless but the underpinning aim was to schmooze the gullible public with moral cliché to deny Isi-Uzo what patience, goodwill, and longtime support for others are about to earn them. But falsehood cannot conquer the truth. No matter how lies are deodorized and garnished, the truth will eventually triumph.
There is no doubt that it will be in the overall best interest of justice, equity, and fairness to allow Isi-Uzo to produce the next governor of the state come 2023 when it will be the turn of Enugu East Senatorial zone. So even the governorship seat is micro-zoned to Isi-Uzo as insinuated by Mr.Ujam, it is in order.
So, Mr. Ujam and his sponsors should stop distracting Enugu people because they know where the road leads to by 2023 and that is Isi-Uzo by God’s grace
Business
Turning Africa’s Raw Materials Into Wealth: The ARMS 2026 Industrial Agenda
By Joel Ajayi
For decades, Africa’s vast natural resources have powered industries and economies far beyond the continent, while many African countries have remained largely exporters of unprocessed commodities and importers of finished products.
That familiar pattern is now coming under renewed scrutiny as policymakers, researchers, investors and industrialists seek to change the direction of Africa’s resource economy.
At the centre of that conversation is the second edition of the Africa Raw Materials Summit (ARMS 2026), scheduled for October 19 and 20 at the Abuja Continental Hotel, Abuja, under the theme: “From African Feedstock to African Factories.”
Organised by the Raw Materials Research and Development Council (RMRDC), the summit is being positioned as more than another gathering of policymakers and industry stakeholders. It is intended to provide a platform for confronting the structural challenges that have kept African raw materials largely disconnected from local manufacturing.
Africa has for years operated largely within a “pit-to-port” economic model, exporting raw materials while importing expensive finished products.
Speaking at a press conference ahead of the summit on Tuesday in Abuja, the Director-General and Chief Executive Officer of RMRDC, Prof. Nnanyelugo Martin Ike-Muonso, said the event would bring together policymakers, investors, researchers, technology providers and industrialists to develop practical strategies for transforming Africa’s abundant natural resources into industrial wealth.
The challenge, therefore, is not simply the abundance of resources, but the continent’s ability to transform those resources into industrial value, employment, technology and wealth within Africa.
Nigeria alone, according to the RMRDC, has more than $582.4 billion in documented non-renewable natural resources, while the wider continent possesses substantial deposits of critical minerals, agricultural raw materials and industrial feedstock.
Yet, the benefits of this resource endowment have often been constrained by inadequate processing capacity, weak infrastructure, limited technology, financing gaps and fragmented regional value chains.
From Dialogue to Industrial Action
ARMS 2026 builds on the maiden edition held in May 2025, which attracted more than 1,000 delegates from across the world.
The inaugural summit also witnessed the unveiling of the Ten-Year Raw Materials Transformation Roadmap (2025–2034) by the Minister of State for Industry, Senator John Owen Enoh.
The roadmap was designed around areas including technological capability, climate-resilient processing and backward integration, establishing a policy framework for greater domestic utilisation of Africa’s raw materials.
The second edition is expected to move the conversation further by bringing policy, capital, technology and industrial stakeholders around practical mechanisms for turning raw materials into locally manufactured products.
One of the major proposals highlighted by the RMRDC is the 30 per cent Mandatory Value Addition Bill, which seeks to establish a statutory minimum level of value addition to Nigerian raw materials before export.
The Council says the proposed framework could support job creation, import substitution, foreign-exchange conservation and increased manufacturing contribution to the economy.
Building the Infrastructure for Value Addition
The industrial transformation envisaged by ARMS 2026 goes beyond legislation.
A major concern is the “missing middle” between where raw materials are produced and where factories are located.
Poor transportation networks, inadequate cold-chain facilities, weak rural roads, limited testing and certification infrastructure and border-related delays can make locally sourced materials more expensive and less competitive.
Consequently, logistics and infrastructure constitute one of the five principal pillars of the summit.
The objective is to develop more reliable corridors connecting farms and mines with processing centres and manufacturing facilities, thereby reducing losses and improving the movement of industrial inputs.
The Digital Dimension
Technology is also becoming an important part of the Council’s strategy.
The RMRDC says it has developed the Nigeria Integrated Information Statistical System for Raw Materials and Products (NISSRAMP), described as a digital repository containing information on feedstock deposits, specifications, production outputs and industrial absorption rates.
The Council has also highlighted its transition towards paperless operations and its certification as a Data Controller/Processor of Major Importance by the Nigeria Data Protection Commission.
Such digital infrastructure could provide investors and manufacturers with better information about the availability and characteristics of raw materials while supporting more informed industrial planning.
Turning Waste Into Industrial Inputs
Another major component of ARMS 2026 is the proposed expansion of the circular economy.
The summit will examine how agricultural by-products, mine tailings, scrap metals and biomass can be recovered and reused as inputs for new production processes rather than being treated simply as waste.
The RMRDC argues that such an approach could lower raw-material costs while supporting more sustainable and climate-resilient manufacturing systems.
For Africa, where industrial expansion must increasingly balance economic development with environmental considerations, waste industrialisation could become an important part of the continent’s manufacturing conversation.
From National Production to African Value Chains
The African Continental Free Trade Area is another important element of the summit’s agenda.
The RMRDC sees AfCFTA as an opportunity to create regional value chains in which raw materials sourced in one African country can be processed and supplied to manufacturers in another.
Under such a model, Africa would move beyond simply exporting commodities to external markets and develop stronger internal networks for supplying chemicals, refined minerals, agricultural inputs and other industrial materials across national borders.
This approach places regional integration at the heart of Africa’s industrialisation strategy.
Bridging Research and Capital
A recurring weakness in many developing economies is the gap between research and commercialisation.
Innovations may emerge from universities, research institutions and laboratories without receiving the financing, equipment or market connections required to become commercially viable.
ARMS 2026 intends to address that gap through technology commercialisation and capital linkages, connecting research outputs with investors, development finance institutions and industrial off-takers.
The RMRDC has also cited partnerships with the Bank of Industry for commercial-scale post-harvest processing and a South-South technology-transfer partnership with the National Innovation Centre par Excellence in Shanghai, China.
A Larger Industrial Conversation
The scale of ARMS 2026 is expected to be significantly larger than the maiden edition.
The organisers project more than 1,800 delegates from all 54 African countries and global industrial partners.
The programme will feature high-level policy dialogues, technical panels, an advanced raw materials and technology exhibition, industrial site visits and the African Raw Materials Industry Awards.
The exhibition, in particular, is expected to showcase locally fabricated processing machinery, advanced domestic materials, green chemicals and engineered commercial inputs.
Beyond the speeches and exhibitions, however, the real significance of ARMS 2026 will ultimately depend on what happens after the summit.
Africa’s challenge has never been a shortage of raw materials. The more difficult question has been how to transform those resources into factories, products, skilled employment, technology and sustainable economic opportunities.
For Nigeria and the rest of the continent, the proposed shift from “pit-to-port” to “feedstock-to-factory” therefore represents a broader debate about the future structure of African economies.
ARMS 2026 seeks to place that debate firmly on the industrial agenda — with value addition, technology, finance, infrastructure, circular production and regional trade at the centre.
If the commitments and partnerships generated by the summit translate into measurable industrial activity, the event could provide another platform for Africa to examine how its enormous resource base can support stronger domestic manufacturing.
The message from the organisers is clear: the continent’s raw materials should not only leave African soil as commodities; they should increasingly become the foundation for African industrial production
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