Featured
Isi-Uzo LGA: The Most Politically Oppressed People In The History Of Enugu State
By Jeff Ejiofor
One of the foremost Greek philosophers, Plato said that there may be times we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest.
The above quote by the great Plato captures the plight of Isi-Uzo people of Enugu State who obviously have been marginalized in the scheme of things since the inception of the current political dispensation but have remained calm in the face of such outright injustice. I am of the imperative opinion that the time for self-appraisal tailored towards achieving political liberation and justice has come.
Isi-Uzo is one of the six local governments that constitute the present Enugu East Senatorial Zone of Enugu State. Though Isi-Uzo was formerly under Nsukka Zone in the old political order, the creation of Ebonyi State in 1996 made it politically exigent for it to be included in what is known today as Enugu East Zone for senatorial balancing in the state.
For a better understanding, it will be recalled that before the creation of Ebonyi State, Enugu had Nsukka, Enugu, and Abakiliki zones in its senatorial structure. In that arrangement, Isi-Uzo was under Nsukka Zone.
However, when Abakiliki left in 1996, Isi-Uzo was carved out from Nsukka to form Enugu East Senatorial Zone with Nkanu and Nike people at the behest of the elders of Nkanu land owing to their cultural/historical affiliation which predates the advent of colonial government. As a result, the other remaining part of the old Enugu zone formed what is today known as Enugu West Senatorial Zone. Currently, Enugu stands on a political tripod, Enugu East, Enugu West, and Enugu North.
Unfortunately, this new order signaled the beginning of the current ordeal of Isi-Uzo political marginalization.
Considering a gentleman agreement reached by the stakeholders of Enugu State on sharing of political offices at various levels, the three new senatorial structure was adopted as the formula for positions involving the state as a whole.
Federal constituencies in each senatorial zone became the basis within which offices are zoned, while LGAs rotate offices due for them at the federal constituency level. This sharing formular continues up to the community and ward levels to gaurantee equity, justice and fairplay in the system.
Having provided the background information on the genesis of the current political structure of Enugu State vis a vis sharing of political offices as agreed upon by the elders of the state in principle, I would narrow my contributions in this article to Enugu East Zone as it affects the Isi-Uzo question.
From the above explanations, Isi-Uzo people no doubt are bonafide members of Enugu East Zone, and therefore are qualified to aspire to any position zoned to the senatorial district. Whatever political aspirations by Isi-Uzo people must be within the confines of Enugu East senatorial zonal structure which is their constitutionally recognized senatorial zone.
Unfortunately, however, these rights of the Isi-Uzo people have been flagrantly trampled upon over the years, right from the inception of the current political dispensation in 1999. All offices zoned to Enugu East Senatorial District had eluded them in an orchestrated manner designed to perpetually keep and relegate them to the background for coming from a different political structure in the past. Even though it is on record that the cultural/historical ties between the Nkanu/Nike people and Isi-Uzo predates the advent of colonialism, these later days political naysayers within the senatorial zone, out of mere mischief, had always thrown up the inclusion of Isi-Uzo in old Nsukka zone for administrative convenience as an excuse to deny them political opportunities currently.
The promoters of these oppressive tendencies have forgotten the genesis of Isi-Uzo joining the Enugu East zone which was at the behest of Nkanu elders who said they were their brothers in the diaspora.
Nonetheless, whichever way anybody wants to look at it, Isi-Uzo currently belongs to Enugu East Senatorial Zone and must be politically accommodated in all facets of political engagement. The divisive narratives usually propped up against them by some political merchandisers do not have any place in the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria. Isi-Uzo people are not lesser political beings in their fatherland, Enugu State, and must have equal opportunity in the scheme of things within their constitutionally recognized zone and the state at large for peace and justice to prevail.
Turning the LGA into a political orphan that cannot represent its zone in any capacity of governance is repugnant to natural justice, equity, and good conscience.
The current situation where Isi-Uzo is the only local government in Enugu East Zone that has not represented the zone in any government capacity is quite unfortunate. It is a statement of fact that all other local government areas in the zone have represented the senatorial zone in different capacities. Nkanu West has produced governor, senator, and minister, Nkanu East has been deputy governor for 8 years and even produced a minister. Enugu South had senators and even a governor in the past, while Enugu North LGA, with a predominantly non-native population, has produced a minister and a governor as well. Enugu East on its part produced a senator for 8 yrs, speaker of the house of assembly, chief judge of Enugu State, and ESUT VC for 5 yrs respectively. It is only Isi-Uzo LGA that has been left in the political wilderness to date.
The height of this oppression came into fore in the case of Professor Denchrist Onah, an indigene of Isi-Uzo who sought to be VC of ESUT in 2010 when it was zoned to Enugu North Senatorial District, but was told to wait for the turn of Enugu East where he comes from.
Ironically, in 2015 when it was the turn of Enugu East Senatorial Zone to produce the VC, Prof. Denchrist Onah re-applied and emerged the best of all the candidates that went for the interview, and his name was announced as ESUT VC designate. Surprisingly, overnight, the same forces bent on denying ndi Isi-Uzo their rights, prevailed on Mr. Sullivan Chime to replace him on grounds that he is of Nsukka extraction. It was a disappointing outing by Sullivan Chime which was condemned by all well-meaning citizens of Enugu State.
What an irony! The person previously denied the opportunity to contest because he is from Enugu East Zone was replaced after winning on account of his Isi-Uzo origin. What can be more wicked and divisive than that? Are Isi-Uzo people not equal stakeholders in their fatherland again? Are they not Igbos of Enugu State extraction?
As I write this, no Isi-Uzo man has to date, been allowed to occupy any tangible position under the current arrangement in Enugu State. No Isi-Uzo man has been found worthy enough to occupy the position of governor, senator, or any office of equal status zoned to Enugu East, in a state collectively owned by all of us. Even the party chairman given to Isi-Uzo was fiercely contested by those who felt their sense of entitlement should not be challenged.
As a matter of fact, no article can contain the list of complaints arising from the marginalization Isi-Uzo people are currently going through in Enugu East Senatorial Zone. They are too numerous to mention, hence, I would like to pause here, and appeal to all men of goodwill in Enugu State to come to their rescue and look into the matter with a view to addressing it once and for all.
Let us remember that injustice to one is an injustice to all. We cannot be talking of equity, justice, and Fairplay while we’re folding our hands and watching a particular section of our society go through the worst marginalization in the history of Nigerian politics. What the people of Isi-Uzo are being subjected to is simply akin to political annihilation. A situation where the people are not allowed to aspire to any political position outside the confines of their local government is the height of injustice, marginalization, and political wickedness.
In conclusion, this political exclusion should not be allowed to continue if the Enugu people are interested in peace and stability. It has to be addressed before it gets out of hand and attracts severe reactions from other sections of the Igbo society. Making Isi-Uzo look like a political bat that belongs to nowhere is unacceptable. Isi-Uzo is a lawful part of an existing political structure under the Enugu East Senatorial Zone.
The narrative of core Nkanu, periphery Nkanu, or whatever they concert to whip unnecessary sentiment against Isi-Uzo is baseless and has no place in Nigeria’s political structure. 2023 should be a golden opportunity for men of good conscience in the senatorial district and Enugu State in general to right the wrong and give all sections of the society a political sense of belonging. According to Lucius Annaeus Seneca, a kingdom founded on injustice never lasts. Elders of Enugu State should preserve the current chapter of equity embedded in the zoning of political offices for a peaceful transition of power in the state and address the plight of Isi-Uzo people now.
A stitch in time saves nine.
Featured
Presidency Refutes Afenifere’s Deceitful Statement on President Bola Tinubu’s Midterm:
Chief Sunday Dare
The statement from a factional Afenifere group raises serious concerns about a penchant and deliberate attempt to find faults and trade in deceit instead of objectivity. The group has found it challenging to accept that under the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s comeback story is firmly underway.
The rebellious Afenifere claims that President Bola Tinubu’s administration’s performance over the past two years has witnessed a regression in human development, economic mismanagement, and democratic backsliding.
This is a jaundiced view, echoing the view of opposition politicians, one of whom the group supported in the 2023 election.
A balanced assessment based on available data reveals a more objective and progressive picture, with significant achievements amid the challenges expected from a country like Nigeria with decades-old problems.
Beyond its confounding conclusions based on prejudice, the statement raises the following issues. With the ensuing point-by-point clarification, it will become clear that the group’s position is neither grounded in facts nor logic.
- Economic Reforms and Their Impact
The factional Afenifere’s claim that Tinubu’s economic reforms, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira, have led to “unmitigated sufferings” and “economic deforms” seeks to draw attention to some of the challenges but overlooks the macroeconomic gains. The removal of the fuel subsidy, announced on May 29, 2023, saved the government over $10 billion in 2023 alone, reducing fiscal strain and redirecting funds to other sectors. Unifying the foreign exchange market and the naira’s floatation aimed to address distortions in the currency market, boosted foreign reserves to $38.1 billion by 2024 and achieved a trade surplus of N18.86 trillion for the country.
Under the Tinubu administration, Nigeria’s annual inflation rate fell to 23.71% in April 2025 from 24.23% in the prior month. Food inflation, the most significant component of the inflation basket, remained elevated but moderated to 21.26% from 21.79%
While these figures indicate stabilisation, the immediate impact on ordinary Nigerians is not lost. The government’s cash transfer programme, which provides funds to the poorest households and benefits over 5.7 million households, is a credible outreach.
However, dismissing the twin policies as “unforced errors” ignores the unsustainable nature of the previous subsidy regime and multiple exchange rate systems, which were draining public finances. A more balanced critique would acknowledge the necessity of reform while emphasising the need for better-targeted social safety nets.
As of today, the Tinubu administration has recorded over 900,000 beneficiaries of the Presidential Loan and Grant Scheme, over 600,000 beneficiaries of the Students’ Loan Scheme, NELFUND, N70,000 minimum wage, NYSC monthly stipend increase from N33,000 to N77,000, Free CNG kits distributed to thousands of commercial drivers across Nigeria with CNG buses rolled out in partnership with state governments, leading to a significant drop in transport costs. The administration also recorded over $10 Billion FX debt cleared, Federal account allocation to states growing by 60%, enabling more local development projects, N50 billion released to end the perennial ASUU strikes, and over 1,000 PHCs revitalised nationwide with an additional 5,500 undergoing upgrades.
The administration also disbursed N75 Billion in palliative funds to states and LGs for food distribution and cash transfers, over 150,000 youths are being trained in software development, tech support and data analysis under the 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) project, over 20,000 affordable housing units under construction under the renewed Hope cities program launched across Nigeria, N200 Billion in Loans to farmers and agro-processors. Other gains: over two million Nigerians are now connected to new digital infrastructure and community broadband hubs and public WiFi projects, 3.84% GDP growth in Q4 2024 (highest in 3 years), over $50 Billion in new FDI Commitments, Net Foreign Exchange Reserves up from $3.99 Billion (2023) to $23.11 Billion (2024), over $8 Billion in new oil and gas investments unlocked, and over $800 million realised in processing investments in solid minerals in 2024 and inflation as at April was down to 23.17%.
It is now pertinent to inquire from opposition leaders about alternative strategies they would propose in contrast to this administration’s extensive list of significant achievements currently benefiting Nigerians in real-time.
- Cost of Governance and the Oronsaye Report
The assertion that the Tinubu administration has failed to implement the Oronsaye Report and instead increased governance costs is inaccurate. The Oronsaye Report, which recommends the merger or scrapping of government agencies to reduce expenditure, has not been fully implemented and has drawn criticisms; it must be noted, however, that the administration has made some efforts to improve fiscal discipline. The fiscal deficit was reduced from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024, and the debt service-to-revenue ratio dropped from nearly 100% in 2022 to under 40% by 2024. The government also recorded over N6 trillion in revenue in Q1 2025, partly due to removing Ways & Means financing and fuel subsidies. These steps demonstrate fiscal prudence and will eventually translate into immediate, tangible relief for citizens. The administration is working earnestly to address these optics and prioritise cost-cutting measures, including implementing the Oronsaye Report, to restore public trust.
- Allegations of Prebendalism and Corruption
Afenifere’s claim that the administration favours “the privileged and connected” through corrupt palliative distribution and mega-project allocations is questionable. Reports of palliatives being mismanaged or distributed through unverified channels have no doubt surfaced, raising concerns about transparency.
The administration has taken steps against corruption, such as suspending Humanitarian Affairs Minister Betta Edu in January 2024 over alleged fund diversion, signalling some commitment to accountability. Critics may argue that more systemic action is needed, but dismissing all the efforts as propaganda overlooks these initial steps.
Without abusing Presidential powers, the administration is working on expediting action on all pending investigations and prosecution of corrupt practices. At the same time, critical agencies are collating credible evidence on ongoing corruption litigations. It must, however, be noted that in 2024, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) secured a record-breaking 4,111 convictions, marking its most successful year since its inception. They recovered over N364 billion and significant amounts in foreign currencies, including $214.5 Million, $54,318.64, and 31,265 Euros.
The EFCC achieved its single most significant asset recovery in 2025, with the final forfeiture of an Abuja estate measuring 150,500 square meters and containing 725 units of duplexes and other apartments. The EFCC concluded the final forfeiture and handed the estate to the Ministry of Housing in May 2025.
- Democratic Concerns and Centralisation
Afenifere’s accusation that the Tinubu administration is pursuing a “one-party state totalitarianism” and undermining democratic institutions is unsupported and lacks merit. The claim of neutralising the legislature and judiciary is also a false alarm.
The public should note that the Supreme Court has upheld opposition victories in states like Kano, Plateau, and Abia, suggesting judicial independence. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has faced criticism for allegedly appointing individuals said to be ruling party affiliates, but no evidence confirms these appointees are card-carrying APC members.
The allegation that the Tinubu government cracks down on peaceful protesters is primarily unfounded. It is a regurgitated rhetoric deployed under previous administrations as a reflection of broader challenges in Nigeria’s democratic culture.
The issue of the State Police is more complex than the oversimplified approach of the factional Afenifere’s statement. Every administration policy is subject to security impact assessment before implementation, and there is a difference between the State Police being widely advocated and a Police State that critics may blame the Federal Government for if implemented without caution.
- Security and Social Welfare
Contrary to the impression created, the administration’s security record is impressive. Over 13,500 terrorists, bandits, and insurgents have been neutralised and 7,000 arrested in the past year, though there is still some news of abductions and violent attacks. The administration’s proactive response to security-related matters has paved the way for more farmers to return to their farms, impacting food production and supply.
The administration also embarked on agricultural initiatives, including tractor procurement, fertiliser distribution, and increased mechanisation.
The government has also not relented on its Regional Development drive as the administration succeeded in establishing Development Commissions across 6 Geopolitical zones (South West, North West, North Central. North East, South East and the Niger Delta) to empower communities and accelerate developments.
- Political Climate and 2027 Elections
The claims of government-sponsored conflicts within opposition parties lack concrete evidence and should be ignored.
Economic reforms are undoubtedly laying the foundation for long-term stability, with GDP growth at 4.6% in Q4 2024 and a Fitch B credit rating upgrade as evidence. Moody’s Investors Service’s latest upgrade of Nigeria’s rating from Caa1 to B3, with a Stable Outlook, indicates that the Tinubu administration is on the right path.
The government is not oblivious to some discontent and difficult times among Nigerians. There is an urgency to deliver more tangible results, which is guaranteed given the impressive performance of the administration in just two years.
Afenifere’s statement saw the cup as half empty. On the contrary, it’s half full. Under President Tinubu’s administration, some of Nigeria’s hydra-headed problems are being tackled headlong.
The administration has achieved fiscal improvements, such as reduced deficits and increased revenues, which will eventually translate into meaningful microeconomic relief for most Nigerians in the short term, even as the government moves to address these issues with greater empathy and transparency.
The administration’s demonstrable priorities are securing the nation, fixing the economy, and improving human capital development.
Responsible citizens and political leaders must work collaboratively with the administration to address the challenges and counter disinformation, as highlighted in the admonition against fake news and deceptive AI videos.
Under President Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria is turning the corner. From stabilising the naira and curbing inflation to reducing debt burdens and
expanding access to education and health, the administration delivers bold reforms with actual results. With improved security, regional inclusion, anti-corruption measures, and institutional rebuilding, Nigeria’s comeback story is not yet complete — but it is firmly underway.
– Sunday Dare is the Special Adviser to Mr. President on Media and Public Communications.
-
Featured6 years agoLampard Names New Chelsea Manager
-
Featured5 years agoFG To Extends Lockdown In FCT, Lagos Ogun states For 7days
-
Featured6 years agoNYSC Dismisses Report Of DG’s Plan To Islamize Benue Orientation Camp
-
Featured5 years agoChildren Custody: Court Adjourns Mike Ezuruonye, Wife’s Case To April 7
-
Featured4 years agoTransfer Saga: How Mikel Obi Refused to compensate me After I Linked Him Worth $4m Deal In Kuwait SC – Okafor
-
Sports3 years ago
TINUBU LAMBAST DELE MOMODU
-
News5 months agoZulu to Super Eagles B team, President Tinubu is happy with you
-
Featured6 years ago
Board urges FG to establish one-stop rehabilitation centres in 6 geopolitical zones
