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The Facebook Nigeria Judgment Is Not A Defeat For Consumers. It Is A Victory For The Rule Of Law

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By O’tega Ogra

The recent commentary titled “Facebook Nigeria Vs ARCON Judgment: Not About the Fine but Consumer Protection at Risk of Vulnerability” raises important questions about platform accountability, regulatory authority and the future of digital governance in Nigeria. It is a conversation worth having.

Every Nigerian should care about the accountability of global digital platforms operating in our jurisdiction and about how they are regulated. That conversation is about far more than Meta or ARCON. It is about consumer protection, regulatory certainty, investor confidence and the rule of law. Consumers deserve protection, and multinational companies that profit from the Nigerian market must respect Nigerian law. On these propositions there is no disagreement.

Where I respectfully differ is in the conclusion that the Federal High Court’s judgment weakens consumer protection or leaves Nigerians exposed. It does neither. It reinforces something more fundamental. In a constitutional democracy, no regulator, however well intentioned, may exercise powers beyond those granted by law. That is not a technicality. It is the constitutional safeguard against arbitrary administrative power. That principle protects consumers just as surely as it protects businesses.

The issue before the court was never whether consumers should be protected. It was whether the right institution was exercising the right powers in the right way. The Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria exists to regulate advertising practice, advertising content and marketing communications. It sets standards for advertisements, enforces professional compliance within the advertising ecosystem and shields the public from harmful or offensive advertising within that statutory framework. It is not Nigeria’s general consumer protection regulator.

That responsibility belongs principally to the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, established by law to protect consumers, prohibit unfair business practices, promote competition and investigate abuse of consumer rights across every sector of the economy. The powers of a statutory regulator cannot be enlarged by implication or by the desirability of an outcome. They must be found within the four corners of the statute establishing that regulator.

The distinction matters. Modern economies work because institutions have clearly defined mandates. When those boundaries blur, uncertainty follows. Businesses no longer know which regulator holds what authority, consumers become confused, litigation replaces regulation and investment suffers. Nigeria does not need more regulators performing the same functions. It needs every regulator performing its own function exceptionally well.

Much has been made of the setting aside of ARCON’s ₦60 billion administrative fine. In truth, that aspect of the judgment merely reaffirmed a position Nigerian courts had already established. The imposition of punitive fines is a judicial function exercisable by a competent court or the appropriate tribunal where the law so provides. It is not an administrative shortcut. More importantly, the court did not pronounce that Meta, Facebook or any multinational technology company is beyond Nigerian law. It held that, on the evidence placed before it, ARCON failed to establish the legal basis upon which Facebook Nigeria Operations Limited could be held responsible for the acts attributed to Meta Platforms, Inc. A court can only determine the case presented before it. It cannot repair evidentiary deficiencies for a litigant.

The commentary suggests the relationship between Meta and Facebook Nigeria is commercially obvious and should therefore have been accepted by the court. Commercial reality and legal proof are not always the same thing. Courts decide cases on admissible evidence, not assumptions, however commercially obvious those assumptions may appear. Corporate liability is established through admissible documents, contractual relationships, regulatory filings, witness testimony and properly pleaded facts, not by public perception or internet searches. If ARCON’s case depended on demonstrating that Facebook Nigeria acted as the Nigerian operating arm of Meta Platforms, the burden of proving that relationship rested squarely with ARCON. Judges are impartial arbiters, not investigators retained to complete a regulator’s case. To argue otherwise invites a dangerous precedent whereby courts abandon neutrality whenever a regulator invokes the public interest. Today it may affect a global technology company. Tomorrow it could affect a Nigerian media organisation, an indigenous advertiser, an agency or a private citizen. The rule of law cannot be selective.

Nor can consumer protection become a licence for institutional overreach. A worthy objective does not expand statutory powers. Nigeria already possesses one of Africa’s most comprehensive regulatory ecosystems. The Central Bank regulates banking and payments. The Securities and Exchange Commission oversees the capital market. The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission protects consumers and competition. The Nigeria Data Protection Commission regulates personal data.

The Nigerian Communications Commission supervises telecommunications. NAFDAC regulates foods, drugs and medical products. The Standards Organisation of Nigeria develops and enforces product standards. The Corporate Affairs Commission governs corporate registration and disclosure. The Federal Inland Revenue Service administers taxation. Each institution performs a distinct statutory role. Their mandates sometimes intersect, but they are not interchangeable.

The strength of Nigeria’s regulatory architecture lies precisely in this specialisation. Each institution is empowered to become an expert within its statutory remit while cooperating with others where mandates intersect. That is how mature regulatory systems function across the world.

Advertising regulation occupies an equally important place within that architecture. ARCON has a vital responsibility to ensure professional standards, ethical advertising and responsible marketing communications. But recognising the importance of that role should never require expanding it beyond what the National Assembly has prescribed. Mature regulatory systems are built on cooperation between institutions, not competition between them.

If gaps exist in Nigerian law regarding digital platforms, local corporate presence or service of process, the National Assembly should close them. That is the lawful remedy. What serves nobody is regulatory uncertainty, where overlapping mandates leave businesses guessing at compliance obligations, investment decisions stall and litigation becomes the default language of regulation. Strong regulation is not measured by the size of penalties announced at press conferences. It is measured by clarity of mandate, quality of investigation, respect for due process and whether regulatory decisions survive judicial scrutiny.

This institutional balance reflects one of the quieter but more consequential features of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reform agenda. His administration has largely resisted the temptation to interfere with regulators or dictate judicial outcomes. Regulators have been allowed to regulate. Courts have been allowed to adjudicate.

That is not administrative indifference; it is institutional confidence. It reflects the understanding that enduring economic reform is sustained by institutions that command public confidence, not by personalities or executive discretion. That independence, however, carries reciprocal responsibility. Institutions are expected not merely to act independently, but to act competently, proportionately and within the limits of their enabling statutes.

Strong institutions are not those that never lose in court. Strong institutions are those that learn from judicial scrutiny, refine their processes and return better equipped to discharge their responsibilities. That is how regulatory credibility is earned, and how investor confidence is sustained.

At a time when Nigeria is actively competing for domestic and foreign investment, regulatory certainty is no longer an abstract legal principle. It is an economic imperative. Investors do not merely assess tax rates or market size. They assess whether rules are clear, whether mandates overlap, whether approvals are predictable and whether disputes are resolved according to law. Every unnecessary jurisdictional conflict increases the cost of doing business. Every avoidable regulatory overlap introduces uncertainty.

Conversely, every institution that faithfully performs its statutory mandate strengthens confidence in Nigeria’s economy. In an increasingly competitive global economy, regulatory certainty has become a competitive advantage. Investors gravitate towards jurisdictions where the law is predictable, institutions respect their statutory boundaries and commercial disputes are resolved transparently. Nigeria should aspire to be one of those jurisdictions.

The Facebook Nigeria judgment should therefore not be remembered simply as another legal contest between a regulator and a multinational technology company. It should be remembered as an opportunity to reaffirm the rule of law, clarify institutional mandates and strengthen confidence in Nigeria’s regulatory framework.

The Association of Advertisers in Nigeria (ADVAN), as the collective voice of advertisers and brand owners, can play an important convening role in that process by encouraging dialogue among advertisers, agencies, media owners, digital platforms, regulators and policymakers. No industry benefits when its defining relationship with its regulator is perpetual litigation.

This is not a call for weaker regulation. It is a call for smarter regulation. It is a call for clearly defined statutory boundaries, mutual institutional respect, predictable enforcement and continuous dialogue. The objective should be a modern advertising ecosystem in which compliance is encouraged through clarity rather than uncertainty, and disputes are resolved through engagement wherever possible, with litigation remaining the exception rather than the norm.

As someone who has served both in government and within the organised private sector, I believe the time has come to draw a line under years of avoidable confrontation. The disputes that have strained relationships across the advertising ecosystem should not become permanent features of our industry. Through goodwill, principled leadership and respect for the rule of law, they can be resolved, allowing the industry to redirect its collective energy towards creativity, competitiveness, consumer trust and economic growth.

The advertising industry has spent too much time in court and too little time building the partnerships required for its future. Regulators, advertisers, agencies, media owners and digital platforms all have a shared interest in an ecosystem that is ethical, competitive, innovative and globally respected. That future will not be achieved through perpetual confrontation. It will be achieved through mutual respect, legal certainty and constructive engagement.

Ultimately, the strength of any regulator lies not in the breadth of the powers it claims, but in the credibility of the powers it lawfully exercises. Nigeria’s future will not be secured by stronger personalities or more aggressive regulators. It will be secured by stronger institutions—institutions that understand the limits of their authority, respect one another’s mandates and earn public confidence through competence, fairness and fidelity to the rule of law.

O’tega Ogra is the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Digital Communications, Engagement and New Media Strategy, a Vice President of the Association of Advertisers in Nigeria (ADVAN) and sits on the governing council of the World Federation of Advertisers. He writes from Abuja.

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Opinion

A Comedy of Errors of the Framework Il-literati

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By Kehinde Bamigbetan

The narrative is simple. On September 24, 2026, the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development issued a press statement on the groundbreaking signing of the Framework of Investment in the solid minerals sector by Nigeria and the United States at the Nigerian Mission in New York, United States.

The statement quoted the Honourable Minister of Solid Minerals, Dele Alake, extensively on Nigeria’s expectations and set boundaries for the conduct of the joint signatories in executing the framework.

The most poignant part of his declaration deserves emphasis: ‘But let me be clear about Nigeria’s ambition. We are not here to remain a source of raw material for values that others create. Our goal is to turn potential into lasting values at home through stronger local processing, new skills, quality jobs and new opportunities for Nigerian businesses”

Witnesses at the event saw that Alake’s patriotic demand  excited his guest. US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau showed excellent diplomatic camaraderie by acknowledging Nigeria’s duty to determine its priority in the Framework. He agreed that Nigeria’s demography and economy make it a regional power with huge continental responsibilities, adding that the US would support leveraging the Framework to advance Nigeria’s national interests.

Alake’s advocacy, by historical precedent and contemporary discourse, is as anti-colonial and anti-imperialist as could be. Were the country not festered by “naboobs of negativism”, it should have earned a heroic applause and hosting of red homecoming flags.

But a section of the commentariat, posing as the finest breed of the literati, had barely digested the content before invading the media- print, electronic, digital and social- with tomes and tones of desperate gobbledegook, unleashing its noxious hallucination and nightmarish schizophrenia on the reading public.

Please dismiss the adversarial calculations and manipulations of the firm of Von Batten- Montague, the official agent  provocateur of perennial presidential runner and serial loser Alhaji Abubakar Atiku. Its anti-President Tinubu lobby, from waking the Chicago papers to spinning a Tinubu-Trump meeting yarn, is a voodoo ritual of making corpses walk  than professional political marketing. With an unprecedented $ 1.2 million budget, Von Batten is set to plunge his principal into a predictable Waterloo.

Let us also dismiss political opponents, Tinubu haters and confessed annihilators of the ruling All Progressives Congress. Their jaundiced, atavistic rivalry to unseat a progressive administration by hook or crook, including through misinformation and disinformation, calumniating propaganda and digital savagery, already places them outside the precincts of objectivity and fair comment.

The segment of our particular concern is those who pretend to diagnose and analyse, that is, engage in what journalists call informed commentary. This genre is critical to the press because it fulfils the Fourth Estate’s role in holding the other three estates to account. Media awards organisations such as the Diamonds Awards for Media Excellence, DAME and Nigeria Media Merit Awards evaluate its quality and celebrate the expertise of its most creative wordsmiths.

The reason is simple. Informed commentary is the unrivalled forte of the literati- writers, rigorous in research and prodigious in elucidation, yet literary in stringing words that taste sweeter than salt.

The golden rule of informed commentary is sacrosanct: facts are sacred, opinions are free! To worship facts with logical reverence is the literati’s exceptional trait, the traction that delivers their ascendancy.

Unfortunately, the tragedy that befell the genre after signing the Framework is that those who violated the portals and platforms of public discourse broke the golden rule by demonstrating zero fidelity to facts.. With selfish obsession to trend and gain folowers, the “illiterati” betrays a lack of preparation and polish for public discourse. The illiterati arrogantly and lazily strut and stroll across platforms, purveying fallacies as logic and falsehood as facts.

To begin, what in global diplomatic parlance is a Framework? Four decades ago, you needed a dictionary; a decade ago, you would Google. Today, ask AI.Gemini told me: “In diplomatic parlance, a framework (often called a framework agreement, diplomatic framework, or conceptual framework) refers to a foundational structure, set of guidelines, or overarching agreement established by negotiating states to manage bilateral or multilateral relations, guide future negotiations, or address complex, long-term issues.

​Rather than settling every granular detail immediately, a framework provides the architecture and rules of engagement for ongoing diplomacy.”

If only the illiterati educated themselves, they wouldn’t go gaga all over the media, infecting innocent readers, listeners, and viewers with rubbish like a $700 billion deal. They turned a contextual information about the estimated value of minerals into a transactional contract!

And this is where the comedy of errors titillates. When I told a journalist that his slug insinuating a $ 700 billion deal was a fabrication, he replied innocently that it was just a caption and that the body of the story carried the authentic information! A slug, not a caption, pegs a story, and it is indeed an egregious error that both should differ in meaning.

He wasn’t alone. Unable to resist the temptation to attract readers with the big figure, a few journalists

 took the figure out of context, giving the impression that Nigeria signed away all her minerals.

Nothing could be further from the truth.  Delivering the keynote address at the just-concluded annual conference of the Guild of Editors, His Royal Majesty Nnaemeka Achebe, the Obi of Onitsha, counselled:

“In the old order, being first was honour. In this new order, being first with a lie dressed as news is a betrayal of public trust, however unintentional.” Wouldn’t it be refreshing to read the corrigenda of such media organisations tomorrow? I am sure all of us who still believe in the credibility of the media will be glad.

But the most notorious are content creators who latched on this ignorance to excite their followers. Their ad hominem fallacy leaves the subject of the Framework and tries to turn Alake’s professional pedigree in mass communications into a liability. They tried in vain to cast a character out of sync with his working environment.

Such impressions contradict the evidence.Such erroneous misunderstanding of public administration conveniently forgets the crucial role of the bureaucracy as the permanent technical corps of government. Alake is professionally supported by a permanent secretary, Engr Yusuf Yabo; directors-generals of agencies such as the Nigerian Geological Survey Agency, Prof Segun Ige; the Nigerian Mining Cadastral Office, Engr Simon Nkom; the Council of Mining Engineers, Professor Opafunsho; and the Executive Secretary of Solid Minerals Development Fund, Hajiya Fatima Shinkafi. Besides, well-groomed aides tracking the strategic implementation of policies, a layer of competent directors who have honed their skills and expertise over three decades are at his beck and call.

With this array of intellectuals, governance is collaborative. Files are referred to specialised departments for interrogation, implementation and decisions are taken based on sound logic and verifiable facts.

Beyond the popular aphorism that journalists are jack of all trades and masters of all because of their professional exposure to all matters of public interest, Alake holds the extraordinary distinction of strategic communications and innovation, crisis management, and visionary leadership.

His political role is to accomplish the manifesto of the All Progressives Congress as encapsulated in President Tinubu’ Renewed Hope Agenda, cascaded to the Ministry as the Seven Point Agenda.  In three years, he has delivered key agenda items, including establishing the Nigeria Solid Minerals Company and the Mining Marshals, increasing the registration of artisanal co-operatives, and raising revenues from N6 billion in 2023 to N70 billion this year.

The minister is most passionate about value addition, based on his determination to reverse the colonial baggage of unequal exchange. His advocacy inspired mining ministers in Africa to set up the Africa Minerals Strategy Group and earned him and Nigeria the pioneer chairmanship of that group.

The critics did not only confuse ministerial portfolio with technical consultancy, by presenting the Framework as a kind of sell-out, they display  unpardonable ignorance of four decades of Nigeria’s pro-foreign-investor conversation. The Structural Adjustment Programme launched this policy in 1987 and codified it in privatisation and commercialisation laws. This policy guarantees full repatriation of profits to foreign investors and set up free trade zones as tax havens.

The beauty of our mining laws is that they have not thrown the baby out with the bathwater. Illiteracy is not just the inability to read; it also includes the laziness to employ that skill to gather intelligence for public discourse.

The ignorant illiterate have not bothered to read the regulatory regime that the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act 2007 and Regulations 2011 impose on mining companies. They don’t know that no foreigner can legitimately and legally hold a small-scale licence, an exclusive preserve of Nigerian citizens. They don’t know that the traditional authority or landowner must write a letter of consent before a prospective miner can obtain a licence over the area. Such built-in guarantees are beyond the conception and imagination of the illiterate, rendering their competition to outdo each other in poking fingers at the framework a grandiloquent exercise in cerebral vacuity.

Alake has enforced the mining laws to sanitise the sector and promote value addition. With his directive compelling all mining licence applicants to submit local processing plans, the value-addition policy has gained traction and attracted over $3 billion in three years. Lithium concentrates and gold refineries are springing up; the era of pit to port will end  soon as raw minerals without value addition can no longer pass through Customs.

As we move into the campaigns for general elections, more controversies are providing opportunities for robust debates. Democracy needs enlightened discourses, not an aggressive parade of ignorance. The lesson from the Framework controversy is the need to understand what we reject even more than what we accept.

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