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ZONING AS A PANACEA TO POLITICAL CRISIS AND DOMINATION: THE ENUGU STATE EXAMPLE.
By Jeff Ejiofor
It is quite disturbing that any Nigerian or Enugu State indigene will seek to destroy a well thought out and peaceful political arrangements such as rotational leadership or zoning of political offices primarily designed to foster unity, peace, and political stability in the state.. In the words of the former president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, “people can go out of their way in a most vicious manner just to achieve political power”. How else can one describe the current quest by some mischievous politicians in Enugu State to thwart a process that has benefited them and brought political stability in the state? They, in a bid to justify their position even demand to know where and possibly see the minutes of meetings during which zoning of political offices was discussed by Ndi Enugu.
Expectedly, I am surprised that a bonafide Enugu man can question such an arrangement that has endured for more than two decades with robust result of the serene political atmosphere and peaceful transition of power from one government to another. It has no doubt brought a lasting peace in the political landscape of Enugu state and dramatically reduced bitter political rivalries which are usually laced in mutual suspicion among the various senatorial zones that make up the state.
In response to their request for the origin of zoning, let me draw their attention to the bitter political rivalry that ensued in Enugu State at the outset of the fourth republic between two political heavyweights of Wawa extraction, Senator Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo, and Dr. Okwesilieze Emmanuel Nwodo. It was after this bitter battle that Dr. Chimaroke Ogbonnaya Nnamani from Enugu East Senatorial Zone emerged the PDP flag bearer and eventual winner of the general elections. Sequel to this unpalatable experience and its attendant backlash, the leaders of thought in Enugu State across party lines, decided on a consensus political solution to avoid a repeat of such an occurrence. They decided on a political arrangement anchored on the zoning of key political offices among the three senatorial districts of the state, Enugu East, West, and North.
However, zoning of political offices was the norm at that time and virtually all the major political parties in Nigeria adopted it in their internal constitutions. PDP, APP, and AD embraced the rotational leadership clause as a panacea for political mistrust in Nigeria so as to avert domination by any section of the country over another, especially the minority geopolitical groups. All the political parties in Nigeria took into cognizance the fragile heterogeneous nature of the country and bought into the idea.
In addition, the unfortunate political crisis that greeted the annulment of the June 12 presidential election purportedly won by MKO Abiola, a southwestern politician by a northern led military government was another factor that prompted the zoning of offices and positions. The incident which led to the installation of an interim national government headed by another Yoruba man was unable to calm the situation. Obviously, the mutual distrust and suspicion brought by the crisis among Nigerians made the rotational leadership and zoning of key political offices imperatively inevitable across the country then. That was the reason the two major political parties, PDP and APP/AD fielded two South Westerners, Olusegun Obasanjo, and Olu Falae as their presidential candidates in the 1999 general elections at the beginning of the fourth republic.
Apparently, this measure was adopted to pacify and give the people of the southwest a sense of belonging in the context of Nigerian politics having shortchanged them by the June 12 annulment. That was exactly what gave birth to the political term known as ‘rotational leadership or zoning’ today, and every state in Nigeria which desired peace in their political curriculum adopted it. As expected, Enugu, a federating unit of Nigeria, keyed into the new political song that pervaded the airwaves. The slogan ‘zoning formula’ became the order of the day in Nigeria’s political landscape.
Cautiously, the general fear of political domination, coupled with the bitter governorship tussle between Chimaroke Nnamani and Victor Nduka Agu were the events that immensely shaped the political future and direction of Enugu State as we see today. The battle of the soul of Enugu State between Hyde Onuaguluchi and Dr. Joe Nwodo during Babangida’s transition programme is another pointer of bitter rivalries in Enugu prior to the zoning arrangement.
Consequently, elders of Enugu State in 1999, considered the protracted animosity usually experienced in the state and carefully fashioned out zoning as a panacea. They reached an agreement in principle to adopt zoning and rotation of key political offices including top civil service positions among the three senatorial zones of the state, Enugu East, West, and North. The system was adopted by most states in Nigeria and it has subsisted since then. In short, it has now become a convention having survived for over two decades.
From the foregoing, it is obvious that the origin of rotational leadership or zoning in Enugu State is not farfetched and this serves as an answer to the question usually posed by those oppoosing the idea. The above account also shows that our leaders were wary of the dire consequences of sectional domination and bitter political rivalry in Enugu State. This, no doubt, prompted their action to key into it, which then became a national phenomenon with hindsight to forestall any ugly political future that would have hurt the peace of the state. It is imperatively glaring that the same scenario was what played out at the national level which has been a saving grace to our nascent democracy and its survival to date. It, therefore, suffices to say that it looks abnormal for anybody to question the authenticity or source of zoning in Nigeria nay Enugu State.
We should not also forget that It was in the spirit of zoning, that Chimaroke Nnamani against the clamor from his Enugu East Zone to retain power in 2007, ceded it to Sullivan Chime an Enugu West man. Subsequently, in 2015, Sullivan handed over power to the current governor who is from Enugu north in keeping with the principle. I don’t know any other answer the unpatriotic anti zoning elements want other than these chronicled obvious facts. Even in our constitution, precisely Schedule 3 of the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, we have federal character principle enshrined to ensure justice and equity in the distribution of offices among the constitutionally recognized component units of the country.
Ironically, these doomsday political pundits are bringing a strange terminology they call cultural group, unknown to the Nigerian constitution as their preferred basis for zoning of political offices. And I ask; is there anything like a cultural group in the Nigerian political lexicon? It’s obvious that our country only recognizes geo-political zones, states, senatorial districts, federal constituencies, local governments, and wards as the basis for sharing political offices and other things. The cultural zone is alien to our political system and even too ambiguous, with no known politically defined boundaries for easy identification. So, on what grounds are the anti zoning political jobbers anchoring their Greater Awgu, Nsukka, and core Nkanu cultural group narratives? Have we not been using Enugu East, North, and West as the yardstick to determining who gets what, how, and when in Enugu State?
From all indications, those kicking against zoning have no genuine reason whatsoever to take this ignoble part. It is clear that their motive is ulterior, and driven by the selfish primitive acquisition of power by one man. Their intention is no doubt a product of selfish and greedy political obsession, power drunkenness, and primitive sit tight.
For peace and political stability to be maintained in Enugu State, Enugu East Senatorial Zone should be allowed to produce the next governor come 2023. Any attempt to do otherwise will amount to the shifting of the goal post in the middle of the match. It will be a great disservice to the people of Enugu State for anybody to destroy what our founding fathers achieved. The narrative of Merrit above zoning mischievously being thrown up by such people is funny. It is a well-known fact that qualified gubernatorial hopefuls are not in short supply in any part of Enugu State. The same people have suddenly started agitating for zoning to be on the basis of cultural disposition. Today, zoning is undemocratic, tomorrow, zoning should be on a cultural group basis. What a confused political philosophy from a confused people who think it’s their birthright to permanently occupy political offices!
Let me use this opportunity to appeal to Ndi Enugu, to disregard any call to jettison zoning midway because of the inordinate ambition of anybody or group of people. It is wrong and counterproductive to abandon a workable political arrangement that has brought unprecedented peace and stability to our beloved Enugu State midway for whatever reason. Nobody is above society and its norms, whether political or cultural.
In conclusion, zoning has become an acceptable policy and it guarantees a peaceful transition of power from one zone of the state to another. I sincerely appeal to all those opposing it, to consider how posterity will judge them in the end. We must be careful not to thwart the genuine efforts of our founding fathers who fought for the realization of Enugu State on a tripod of justice, equity, and Fairplay. Equity charter is the hallmark of Enugu politics and it remains sacrosanct. Let us avoid the temptation of importing political crisis, the type in some states to Enugu. Imo state, our sister state is still nursing the wound of distorting zoning. No society thrives on injustice to any section of the people. We are very peaceful in Enugu State but dogged in our defense of justice and equity. A word is enough for the wise
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Presidency Refutes Afenifere’s Deceitful Statement on President Bola Tinubu’s Midterm:
Chief Sunday Dare
The statement from a factional Afenifere group raises serious concerns about a penchant and deliberate attempt to find faults and trade in deceit instead of objectivity. The group has found it challenging to accept that under the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s comeback story is firmly underway.
The rebellious Afenifere claims that President Bola Tinubu’s administration’s performance over the past two years has witnessed a regression in human development, economic mismanagement, and democratic backsliding.
This is a jaundiced view, echoing the view of opposition politicians, one of whom the group supported in the 2023 election.
A balanced assessment based on available data reveals a more objective and progressive picture, with significant achievements amid the challenges expected from a country like Nigeria with decades-old problems.
Beyond its confounding conclusions based on prejudice, the statement raises the following issues. With the ensuing point-by-point clarification, it will become clear that the group’s position is neither grounded in facts nor logic.
- Economic Reforms and Their Impact
The factional Afenifere’s claim that Tinubu’s economic reforms, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira, have led to “unmitigated sufferings” and “economic deforms” seeks to draw attention to some of the challenges but overlooks the macroeconomic gains. The removal of the fuel subsidy, announced on May 29, 2023, saved the government over $10 billion in 2023 alone, reducing fiscal strain and redirecting funds to other sectors. Unifying the foreign exchange market and the naira’s floatation aimed to address distortions in the currency market, boosted foreign reserves to $38.1 billion by 2024 and achieved a trade surplus of N18.86 trillion for the country.
Under the Tinubu administration, Nigeria’s annual inflation rate fell to 23.71% in April 2025 from 24.23% in the prior month. Food inflation, the most significant component of the inflation basket, remained elevated but moderated to 21.26% from 21.79%
While these figures indicate stabilisation, the immediate impact on ordinary Nigerians is not lost. The government’s cash transfer programme, which provides funds to the poorest households and benefits over 5.7 million households, is a credible outreach.
However, dismissing the twin policies as “unforced errors” ignores the unsustainable nature of the previous subsidy regime and multiple exchange rate systems, which were draining public finances. A more balanced critique would acknowledge the necessity of reform while emphasising the need for better-targeted social safety nets.
As of today, the Tinubu administration has recorded over 900,000 beneficiaries of the Presidential Loan and Grant Scheme, over 600,000 beneficiaries of the Students’ Loan Scheme, NELFUND, N70,000 minimum wage, NYSC monthly stipend increase from N33,000 to N77,000, Free CNG kits distributed to thousands of commercial drivers across Nigeria with CNG buses rolled out in partnership with state governments, leading to a significant drop in transport costs. The administration also recorded over $10 Billion FX debt cleared, Federal account allocation to states growing by 60%, enabling more local development projects, N50 billion released to end the perennial ASUU strikes, and over 1,000 PHCs revitalised nationwide with an additional 5,500 undergoing upgrades.
The administration also disbursed N75 Billion in palliative funds to states and LGs for food distribution and cash transfers, over 150,000 youths are being trained in software development, tech support and data analysis under the 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) project, over 20,000 affordable housing units under construction under the renewed Hope cities program launched across Nigeria, N200 Billion in Loans to farmers and agro-processors. Other gains: over two million Nigerians are now connected to new digital infrastructure and community broadband hubs and public WiFi projects, 3.84% GDP growth in Q4 2024 (highest in 3 years), over $50 Billion in new FDI Commitments, Net Foreign Exchange Reserves up from $3.99 Billion (2023) to $23.11 Billion (2024), over $8 Billion in new oil and gas investments unlocked, and over $800 million realised in processing investments in solid minerals in 2024 and inflation as at April was down to 23.17%.
It is now pertinent to inquire from opposition leaders about alternative strategies they would propose in contrast to this administration’s extensive list of significant achievements currently benefiting Nigerians in real-time.
- Cost of Governance and the Oronsaye Report
The assertion that the Tinubu administration has failed to implement the Oronsaye Report and instead increased governance costs is inaccurate. The Oronsaye Report, which recommends the merger or scrapping of government agencies to reduce expenditure, has not been fully implemented and has drawn criticisms; it must be noted, however, that the administration has made some efforts to improve fiscal discipline. The fiscal deficit was reduced from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024, and the debt service-to-revenue ratio dropped from nearly 100% in 2022 to under 40% by 2024. The government also recorded over N6 trillion in revenue in Q1 2025, partly due to removing Ways & Means financing and fuel subsidies. These steps demonstrate fiscal prudence and will eventually translate into immediate, tangible relief for citizens. The administration is working earnestly to address these optics and prioritise cost-cutting measures, including implementing the Oronsaye Report, to restore public trust.
- Allegations of Prebendalism and Corruption
Afenifere’s claim that the administration favours “the privileged and connected” through corrupt palliative distribution and mega-project allocations is questionable. Reports of palliatives being mismanaged or distributed through unverified channels have no doubt surfaced, raising concerns about transparency.
The administration has taken steps against corruption, such as suspending Humanitarian Affairs Minister Betta Edu in January 2024 over alleged fund diversion, signalling some commitment to accountability. Critics may argue that more systemic action is needed, but dismissing all the efforts as propaganda overlooks these initial steps.
Without abusing Presidential powers, the administration is working on expediting action on all pending investigations and prosecution of corrupt practices. At the same time, critical agencies are collating credible evidence on ongoing corruption litigations. It must, however, be noted that in 2024, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) secured a record-breaking 4,111 convictions, marking its most successful year since its inception. They recovered over N364 billion and significant amounts in foreign currencies, including $214.5 Million, $54,318.64, and 31,265 Euros.
The EFCC achieved its single most significant asset recovery in 2025, with the final forfeiture of an Abuja estate measuring 150,500 square meters and containing 725 units of duplexes and other apartments. The EFCC concluded the final forfeiture and handed the estate to the Ministry of Housing in May 2025.
- Democratic Concerns and Centralisation
Afenifere’s accusation that the Tinubu administration is pursuing a “one-party state totalitarianism” and undermining democratic institutions is unsupported and lacks merit. The claim of neutralising the legislature and judiciary is also a false alarm.
The public should note that the Supreme Court has upheld opposition victories in states like Kano, Plateau, and Abia, suggesting judicial independence. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has faced criticism for allegedly appointing individuals said to be ruling party affiliates, but no evidence confirms these appointees are card-carrying APC members.
The allegation that the Tinubu government cracks down on peaceful protesters is primarily unfounded. It is a regurgitated rhetoric deployed under previous administrations as a reflection of broader challenges in Nigeria’s democratic culture.
The issue of the State Police is more complex than the oversimplified approach of the factional Afenifere’s statement. Every administration policy is subject to security impact assessment before implementation, and there is a difference between the State Police being widely advocated and a Police State that critics may blame the Federal Government for if implemented without caution.
- Security and Social Welfare
Contrary to the impression created, the administration’s security record is impressive. Over 13,500 terrorists, bandits, and insurgents have been neutralised and 7,000 arrested in the past year, though there is still some news of abductions and violent attacks. The administration’s proactive response to security-related matters has paved the way for more farmers to return to their farms, impacting food production and supply.
The administration also embarked on agricultural initiatives, including tractor procurement, fertiliser distribution, and increased mechanisation.
The government has also not relented on its Regional Development drive as the administration succeeded in establishing Development Commissions across 6 Geopolitical zones (South West, North West, North Central. North East, South East and the Niger Delta) to empower communities and accelerate developments.
- Political Climate and 2027 Elections
The claims of government-sponsored conflicts within opposition parties lack concrete evidence and should be ignored.
Economic reforms are undoubtedly laying the foundation for long-term stability, with GDP growth at 4.6% in Q4 2024 and a Fitch B credit rating upgrade as evidence. Moody’s Investors Service’s latest upgrade of Nigeria’s rating from Caa1 to B3, with a Stable Outlook, indicates that the Tinubu administration is on the right path.
The government is not oblivious to some discontent and difficult times among Nigerians. There is an urgency to deliver more tangible results, which is guaranteed given the impressive performance of the administration in just two years.
Afenifere’s statement saw the cup as half empty. On the contrary, it’s half full. Under President Tinubu’s administration, some of Nigeria’s hydra-headed problems are being tackled headlong.
The administration has achieved fiscal improvements, such as reduced deficits and increased revenues, which will eventually translate into meaningful microeconomic relief for most Nigerians in the short term, even as the government moves to address these issues with greater empathy and transparency.
The administration’s demonstrable priorities are securing the nation, fixing the economy, and improving human capital development.
Responsible citizens and political leaders must work collaboratively with the administration to address the challenges and counter disinformation, as highlighted in the admonition against fake news and deceptive AI videos.
Under President Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria is turning the corner. From stabilising the naira and curbing inflation to reducing debt burdens and
expanding access to education and health, the administration delivers bold reforms with actual results. With improved security, regional inclusion, anti-corruption measures, and institutional rebuilding, Nigeria’s comeback story is not yet complete — but it is firmly underway.
– Sunday Dare is the Special Adviser to Mr. President on Media and Public Communications.
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